This paper attempts to highlight the main trends which have affected vocational and training (VET) systems in European countries during the last two decades. It should allow for a comparison with recent developments in Australia and in the United States, which are discussed in the other contributions. However, the paper could not fully account for the wide diversity of situations in Europe.
1.1. The diversity of situations in Europe
Any analysis of trends and issues in Europe is faced with the wide diversity of historical developments and of institutions which can be observed between European countries. This diversity is particularly striking in the area of vocational education and training, which is closely related to the overall educational system, to the functioning of labour markets and to the pattern of industrial relations. The picture would be even more complex if Central and Eastern European countries were to be taken into account, but this paper is focussed on industrially advanced Western European countries.
In view of this diversity, it is difficult to talk about Europe in general and to identify characteristics which would be specific of Europe as a whole. It would seem that the major difference is not so much between Europe and the rest of the World, but rather between continental Europe on the one hand and the United Kingdom and some of the English-speaking countries on the other. It might be said that the specificity of Continental European countries would consist in the fact that in all of them there exists a national and institutionalized system of vocational education and training, which is not the case in the UK and in many other industrialized countries outside Europe.
In his report of the OECD Conference which concluded the VOTEC activity (1), David Soskice suggested a typology which is summarized below, opposing more particularly Northern Europe and what he called the Anglo-Saxon economies :
| Characteristics | Anglo-Saxon economies | Northern Europe |
| Balance of general
and vocational Certification Customisation Entry requirements Subsequent employment possibilities Company involvement and location of training |
Emphasis on general
education "Market" plays large role Emphasis on modularity Less important Relatively wide range of employment opportunities Largely in public and private colleges ; weak company commitments |
Strong vocational
training systems Based on industry consensus Well-defined long- term courses; less possibility of individual modification Clear requirements Well-defined "good" possibilities, but in narrowed area Strong company involvement much company-based training |
Institutions outside vocational training :
| Labour markets and industrial relations | Generally weak unions de-regulated labour markets | Unions play cooperative role |
This model applies more particularly to the German-speaking countries and to a lesser degree to Southern European countries. In the latter (and in several Scandinavian countries), the main responsibility typically belonged, not to enterprises, but to vocational schools under State control with a centralized system of management. In some of these countries, teaching tended to be academic and the relationship with enterprises and with the labour market to be loose, which did not facilitate subsequent employment opportunities.
Of course, any typology is an over-simplification of a diverse reality. Additional dimensions could be added to the typology, such as the type of management (centralized or decentralized) or the stage of differentiation between the academic and the vocational streams (early differentiation in German-speaking countries, late differentiation in the Scandinavian countries). In any case, the concrete situation of a particular country hardly corresponds to the "pure" model. Furthermore, countries are changing and may be drifting from the original model, so that confusion may arise between the original model and the present situation.
We shall come back to this issue after reviewing the recent trends.
If models are inadequate to identify concrete situations, they may help to look at vocational education and training in a systemic way : they emphasize the relationship between the various characteristics of the VET system and the educational, institutional and social context. Thus, they may contribute to explain why some policies may be successful in one context and not in another one and to throw some light on the difficulties of transferring foreign experiences.
1.2. Common constraints
Despite this diversity of social, cultural and institutional contexts, all Europe countries have been faced during the last decades with the same constraints, which are increasingly international and therefore in most cases not specific to Europe.
a) First of all, VET systems are expected to meet new requirements, which result from the combination of three interrelated factors :
As a result, there is a demand for a more skilled labour force, with more autonomous, adaptable and polyvalent workers. The concept of competence tends to prevail on the more traditional notion of skills, as employers tend to put more emphasis on the overall competence of individuals, and especially on their ability to communicate, to solve problems and to work in teams, rather than on their purely technical skills. The major challenge is not so much to train the workers for the utilization of new technologies, but rather for doing the kinds of work that the technology cannot perform, i.e. those which require adaptability, creativeness and a human relationship.
b) The rise of service activities has in most cases not been sufficient to limit the growth of unemployment, which tends to be a structural feature, in Europe even more than in other industrialized countries. As young people are often particularly affected, it becomes sometimes difficult to differentiate policies aiming at promoting employment, training and the transition from school to work.
c) These policies generally imply large-scale Government programmes, which are
expensive. But at the same time Government resources tend to be increasingly constrained : the global economic competition is intensified and may have contributed to some extent to a slower growth rate. Consequently (and also because of the resistance of taxpayers), it becomes difficult to face the growing demands resulting from the increased participation in education and from the need for a more skilled workforce. Hence, there is more pressure for a more efficient and if possible more cost-saving VET system.
One of the main issues underlying this paper is whether the recent trends summarized above have entailed a convergence between European countries or whether they have kept or even reinforced their specific characteristics. resulting from their history and their culture. On the basis of the country reports prepared in connection with the OECD VOTEC activity (and also of Gordon et al. 1994), it is possible to identify a number of common trends - which in many cases are not specific to European countries - but also in some areas diverging policies inspired by these specific traditions. These trends will be illustrated by examples taken from various countries belonging to the "models" identified above.
Two key words are used almost universally to describe the new policy orientations : VET systems are expected to become more responsive to the new demands of the economy and of the society and more flexible to react quickly to these demands, which tend to be unforeseeable and increasingly diversified. It may be assumed that these new orientations are more challenging for the institutionalized systems of continental European countries, an issue which will be further discussed at a later stage. These orientations underlie most of the developments described below, but this description also shows that responsiveness and flexibility can be achieved in a variety of ways.
2.1 Linkages between VET and general education in a context of increased participation
A considerable growth of participation in post-compulsory education has taken place in European countries during the last decades - somewhat later than in the United States and in Japan. It can be interpreted to some extent as a response to the demand of the economy for a more skilled workforce. But it seems to be even more the result of "supply side considerations... The lack of sufficient job opportunities has encouraged students to stay longer in the education and training system and seek higher qualifications to improve their "employability" (Gordon et al.1994).
Increased participation has resulted from the converging influence of the various players in the game : employers, trade unions, young people, Governments, schools and teachers. Each one has had - at least until recently - its own reasons for favouring an increased participation. A major role is played by the young people who make the main decision.
For quite a long time, the United Kingdom has been an exception to this tendency, "since post-compulsory education was mainly a preparation for higher education, while the employment situation and pay scales encouraged young people to go straight into the labour market" (OECD, 1996 b). This is now changing, partly as a result of a policy to encourage young people to stay longer at school.
Statistics indicate that in most European countries increased participation has benefitted primarily to the academic type of education, despite Government efforts to develop the vocational streams (e.g. in Italy and more particularly in France). There are only two countries (Denmark and the Netherlands) where increased participation has benefitted mostly to the vocational streams.
The "resurgence of interest in the vocational dimension of education", which has sometimes been called "new vocationalism" (Skilbeck et al. 1994) applies mostly to the United Kingdom, which, as we have seen earlier, belonged to a different "model" where there was hardly any institutionalized system of vocational education and training.
Several explanations might be suggested for the fact that, despite a demand by the labour market for a better trained workforce, vocational streams have developed less than academic education. One of them could be the shift towards tertiary jobs, for which it might be argued that a general education is more appropriate. Another one could be the higher cost of vocational education. But the most decisive factor is probably the fact that in most countries "the VET provision is seen as a second choice to post-secondary general education. The attempt to put VET on a par with general education is referred to as parity of esteem : that holy grail of VET, actively sought but never achieved" (Gordon et al.).
This attempt has taken different forms in the countries following the various "models". In the United Kingdom for instance, it is hoped that more integration between academic and vocational education, through the introduction of various streams and crossover points will help to improve the image of VET.
Other policies could be observed, for instance in Sweden, where the parity of esteem was to be achieved by merging the various kinds of institutions and by increasing the general studies content in vocational streams. In France, the creation of a "vocational baccalaureate" was expected to provide opportunities for a continuation of vocational studies and for better jobs. But a notable proportion of diploma-holders attempt - with little success - to enter some kind of higher or post-secondary studies.
Even in Germany, there is now a tendency for a growing proportion of young people, either to enter apprenticeship at a later stage (after the "Abitur"), or to return to the university after completion of apprenticeship, which entails a very long duration of studies. In order to avoid this situation and to open more opportunities for those who have followed the vocational stream, it is now envisaged to facilitate their access to higher education.
Nevertheless, Germany strongly maintains the principle of a division between the vocational and the academic stream at an early stage. It is "seen as the best way to avoiding the downgrading of apprenticeship by allowing each stream to define its own objectives and offer more varied possibilities of advancement to young people with different abilities" (CEREQ/OECD, 1994). The prestige traditionally enjoyed by apprenticeship under the "dual system" can be partly explained by the fact that it is the "normal" track, followed by a majority of young people, a situation which contrasts with that of most countries, where it is left to a minority resulting from a negative selection of less bright pupils.
The concern for opening opportunities to diploma-holders from vocational streams is shared by other countries. It would imply that admission criteria are less focussed on an academic approach. The problem also applies to adults willing to study again and for whom it is desirable to develop approaches for the recognition of prior learning.
In any case, it would seem that the preservation of vocational streams at the secondary level is a distinct feature of European countries as a whole, compared to those of North America and of Australia. But most of them have developed at the same time post-secondary technical and vocational programmes (of two or three-year duration) which are intended to train the technicians needed by the labour market, while diverting a notable proportion of school leavers from the traditional type of higher education.
2.2 Linkages between VET and the labour market
Improving the responsiveness of VET systems to the changing requirements of the labour market raises two different issues : the participation of employers - or of social partners - in the assessment of training needs and objectives and the contribution of enterprises to the delivery of training.
a) Participation of social partners in the assessment of training needs and objectives
Involving the employers in the assessment of the rapidly changing requirements of the labour market looks like an obvious answer to the need for more responsiveness of the VET systems. Involving workers' representatives should contribute to the recognition of qualifications on the labour market.
In practice however, it has to be recognized that most individual enterprises have only a short-term view of their future and find it difficult to translate it in terms of skill and training requirements. They often tend to interpret them in a narrow way, especially when they are afraid of "poaching" their trained personnel by competitors. The employers' organisations themselves may have different views, depending on the size of the firms that they represent and on the type of industry. Furthermore, their representatives within the organizations are not necessarily the best informed of the latest developments in the workplace.
As for workers' representatives, their competence and their availability depend largely upon the strength of the labour movement.
The solutions adopted by European countries to these problems are related to their social context and to the type of management of the VET systems. In Germany, the elaboration of training regulations is a complex process which was agreed upon in 1979. It is based on two principles :
The Federal Institute of Vocational Training (BIBB) leads the whole process, from the assessment of needs to the drafting of training regulations. This process may require difficult and sometimes lengthy negotiations, but it is a decisive contribution to the recognition by the labour market of vocational diplomas and to their social prestige.
In France, proposals for the creation, abolition of alteration of vocational diplomas are submitted to consultative bodies on which the Ministry of Education, employers and trade unions are represented They are assisted in the assessment of labour market needs by a technical agency, CEREQ, which is under the responsibility of both the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Labour. Unlike in Germany, this is only a consultative process and the final decision belongs to the Ministry of Education, which drafts the curricula and the examination requirements. But the point of view of employers' organisations weighs heavily in the identification of training needs and of overall objectives.
A rather similar situation tends to prevail, with a more or less formal procedure, in most other European countries : recently in the Netherlands and in Belgium, more traditionally in the Scandinavian countries, where the involvement of social partners, including the trade unions, is a constant principle.
It is different in the United Kingdom, where a variety of solutions have been experimented at different periods : coordinating agencies at the industry level (Industrial Training Boards) and at the national level (Manpower Services Commission) have now been replaced at the local level by Training Enterprise Councils, where employers' representatives play a major role. They also have the main responsibility in the Lead Bodies which are in charge of the design of the National Vocational Qualifications, which will be further discussed below.
As a whole, it may be said that European countries have made some progress in the organization of a systematic and permanent dialogue between the educational system and the social partners. It is an important contribution to a better responsiveness of the system, although limitations may remain, in view of the inadequacy of forecasting methods and of the time-lag usually required of the educational systems.
b) The role of enterprises in the delivery of training
Apprenticeship has existed in most European countries for a long time, but it was usually restricted to the traditional trades and sometimes to the simple acquisition of practical know how. Therefore, it offered only limited prospects to a decreasing number of less able and socially disadvantaged young people. At the same time, school-based systems of vocational education offering a wider range of opportunities were developed in most countries. The German-speaking countries remained the exception, with the institutionalization of the dual system which includes a school component together with the in-company training. In Germany, the Legislation taken to this effect in 1969 was only a confirmation of earlier practice.
A new interest for this system and for various forms of alternating school-based and enterprise-based training has developed recently (CEREQ/OECD, 1994). Involving more directly the enterprise in the delivery of training is now perceived as another way to ensure its responsiveness to the conditions prevailing in the workplace, but also to improve the efficiency of training (through a better integration of theory and practice) and to facilitate the transition from school to work (OECD, Apprenticeship, 1994).
A number of European countries are now attempting to give a new impetus to apprenticeship. In France for instance, Government policies are aiming at rising its economic profitability for enterprises through financial incentives and upgrading its prestige by making it possible to prepare in this way the whole range of vocational diplomas, including at the post-secondary level. This country (and a number of others, such as Belgium, the Netherlands and Sweden) has also introduced a period of work experience in all vocational courses, especially for the preparation of the new "vocational baccalaureate".
Although these developments are generally seen as positive, they are faced with a number of limitations. The most obvious one is the availability of training places within enterprises, which is related to the economic situation and to the perception by enterprises of the cost and of the benefit involved in recruiting apprentices and in receiving students for a shorter period. This has contributed to the fact that the impact of new policies to develop apprenticeship has remained limited in most cases, outside the German-speaking countries.
There is always a risk that for some employers at least, apprenticeship is perceived primarily as a source of cheap labour. The most positive approach was followed up to now by the German employers' organisations, which traditionally conceived training as a long-term investment for industry as a whole. The fact that even small enterprises are strongly organized in Germany has also contributed to promote a positive attitude towards training.
As underlined by the work undertaken by OECD in the framework of the VOTEC activity (CEREQ/OECD, 1994) an assessment of the various experiences with alternating training and of its chances of future development should follow a global approach. Some of the above remarks suggest that the social image of this type of training, its support and recognition by industry are related to the degree of involvement of social partners and to the type of labour market that is prevailing in a given country. A number of other countries are interested in the German example, but they may find it difficult to transfer the model in a different context, where these conditions are not fulfilled.
2.3 The management of VET systems
In most countries of continental Europe, where school-based VET was prevailing and where the State was playing a dominant role, there was a tradition of strong centralization - especially in France and in Southern European countries, but also to some extent in some of the Scandinavian countries. On the other hand, a tradition of decentralization has always existed in the United Kingdom, and even more in Switzerland, which is a federal State.
During the last decades, policies followed by these countries have been converging to some extent, so that the distance between the extreme situations has been somewhat reduced.
a) In the most centralized countries, a trend towards decentralization has been initiated for several reasons.
It was in some instances a way to satisfy a demand by the provinces to gain (or to regain) more autonomy ; it was then part of a broader political trend. At the same time, in an implicit or explicit way, it was also seen as one way to tackle the issue of the financial constraints : as the global resources of the central budget were increasingly inadequate, it was felt that regional or provincial authorities could raise more money to satisfy local demands for more education and training. Finally, some degree of decentralization was seen as one of the ways to achieve flexibility and responsiveness of VET systems : regional or provincial authorities being nearer to the enterprises, the labour markets and the people would be in a better position to adapt the VET systems to the economic and social demand. At the same time, less centralized systems would be less rigid and could react more easily.
This broad trend can be illustrated by quite different examples :
The motivations for these moves were not the same : in Belgium it was clearly a political decision, in France the financial considerations have been taken into account, as well as flexibility issues, in the Scandinavian countries the concern was more for a more democratic type of education, which would satisfy the wide diversity of individual demands.
b) A tradition of decentralization has always existed in the United Kingdom. As indicated above in connection with the setting up of training objectives, policies followed during the last decades have gone into opposite directions. After various attempts at the creation of central coordinating agencies, the latest developments have favoured the decentralization at the local level with the creation of the T.E.C. At the same time, the need for national standards has been recognized. As a result, a process of definition of National Vocational Qualifications has been initiated in a very centralized way (see below).
Outside Europe, a similar concern for national standards could also be observed in North America and in Australia, where the traditions of federalism or of decentralization are strongly established. In other words, the pendulum seems to be switching between the most extreme situations, as many countries are still looking for a proper balance in the distribution of power between the central, regional (or State) and local levels and give more or less priority to the principles of flexibility, of responsiveness to the demands of industry and of the individuals, of efficiency and of equity. (These issues will be further discussed below).
2.4 Flexibility and the changing structures and contents of VET systems
European countries, like other OECD member States, have attempted to give more flexibility to their VET systems, not only in terms of management, but also by changing their structures and their contents.
Part of the work undertaken at the initiative of OECD in the framework of the VOTEC activity has been focussed on the concept of pathways, in order to emphasize a dynamic approach of the VET systems and the role of individual choices at different stages in the participation to various types of education and training. In order to satisfy individual demands even more than those of the labour markets, most countries tend to increase the flexibility of these pathways through diversification and the creation of bridges between types of education and of training. In particular, "the development of post-secondary technical education makes it possible for those who have completed vocational studies at the secondary level to continue their studies, which was almost impossible in most countries until recently" (OECD, 1996 b).
One example is the experiment conducted in Finland, where partnerships between general and vocational education institutions enable students to take certain courses in a second institution and to choose a wider range of subjects and streams. This is again conceived as a democratic way to satisfy a diversified individual demand, but it implies a high degree of cooperation between the schools and a more complex organization.
A more broad-based training is now considered necessary, as another element of flexibility, from the point of view of the students and of the demands from the labour market. These demands are rapidly changing and often unpredictable. A broader understanding of their technical, economic and human environment is required of the workers, who are also expected to be more mobile and more adaptable. Broadening the students' basic knowledge is seen as a necessary foundation for their vocational training (e.g. in Denmark) and as a means to make their skills more readily transferable (OECD, ibid).
In Germany, the dual system is aiming at the development of "key qualifications" (such as the ability to solve problems), while in the United Kingdom several projects have been focussed on the development of "core skills" (Skilbeck et al.) - an approach which has also been followed in a few other European countries and in North America (OECD 1996 b).
At the same time, the number of specialized streams in vocational education has been drastically reduced in most countries : the number of recognized specialties in the dual system has fallen from 900 in 1945 to 377 in 1990 in Germany and from 300 to 80 in Denmark with the 1991 reform. A limited number (around 20) of basic groups has been established in Finland and in Sweden.
While specialization is now progressive in the most important training areas (metalwork) in Germany, the principle of modularity has been adopted in the United Kingdom as a major element of flexibility. It is applied in connection with the development of National Vocational Qualifications (below).
2.5 Policies aimed at low achievers
As mentioned earlier, a number of European countries have been faced with a very high level of what appears now as a structural unemployment. Young people have been particularly affected, especially those who had left school without an adequate level of qualification. With a rising level of skills and more demanding employers, labour markets leave very little prospects for this type of population. The problem becomes even more difficult when it is correlated with social disintegration and the loss of traditional values. This is probably the major challenge faced to-day by educational systems, which do not have the resources and the experience required to give the individual support to potential drop outs. Indeed, the problem is not so much one of vocational training ; it is a broad educational and social issue. But VET systems are more affected because they are often required to meet the shortcomings of the regular schools and because they tend to receive most of the population at risk.
Programmes launched by Governments and intended primarily for the less educated young people were initially conceived as transitory, but tend to become permanent with the persistence of these difficulties. In many cases, these programmes have provided an opportunity to experiment with alternative methods of remedial education and training. But their implementation has also been revealing of more fundamental problems of social integration and of the inability of traditional educational systems to cope with these problems.
2.6 The development of continuing training
Another element of responsiveness has been the development of continuing training. It is not specific to European countries, but they have been even more concerned for two reasons : the comparatively higher level of unemployment has required large-scale re-training programmes for unemployed people ; in many of these countries, the demographic trend has implied a reduction in the number of young people arriving on the labour market, so that the renewal of skills had to be achieved mostly through the re-training of adult workers.
This development of continuing training calls for two types of comments concerning the economic and financial aspects on the one hand and the problems of assessment and certification on the other.
Concerning the economic and financial aspects, an interesting experience is that of France. According to a 1971 legislation, enterprises are obliged to spend a percentage of their payroll, either for the training of their own personnel, or by payments to Mutual Funds jointly managed by representatives from employers and from trade unions, who re-distribute the resources for training purposes. After more than twenty years, it appears that the average level of expenditure is much higher than the legal obligation, especially among the larger firms, while the amounts directly spent for training by the smaller ones remain very limited. These developments are considered as a whole as positive and seem to reflect an increased awareness of the role of training as an investment and as an integrated part of the overall strategy of the larger firms.
However, there is still some controversy about the real impact of the legislation, which was sometimes perceived at the beginning as another fiscal constraint, but which may have contributed to initiate the process. The management of the resources by the Mutual Funds has also come under criticisms, because of the complexity of the system, the excessive number of bodies and the lack of transparency of their management which in some instances has been too much related to vested interests. This has led to recent measures aiming at re-structuring and at a simplification of the system. (Bertrand, 1996).
In addition, there is also a variety of incentives, such as the agreements between enterprises and the State, whereby the latter agrees to share the additional expenditure by enterprises for the training of their own staff, with specific priorities (e.g. long-term unemployed, unskilled workers).
Whereas in France it was deemed necessary to take a legislation to stimulate spending by enterprises, or even to force them, in Germany employers have always resisted any interference by the State in the financing, whether it is for initial or for continuing training. They prefer to keep the full responsibility for the financing, which goes together with their major role in the regulation and in the management of the system.
In the U.K., a major element of the policies aiming at the promotion of continuing training was the development of National Vocational Qualifications, which is part of the new concern for assessment and certification (below).
In most other countries, there has also been a development of continuing training, but it has proceeded in a more spontaneous and less institutional way, which implies that the amount of information available is also more limited.
2.7 The concern for quality, assessment and certification
The expansion of VET, the diversification of providers and the new financial constraints have contributed to increase the concern for the quality of training and for the methods of assessment.
Two recent developments are worth mentioning here. The first one is related to the emphasis on flexibility and to the development of continuing training. In a number of countries, it is now felt that the traditional forms of assessment are too restrictive and tend to favour an academic approach of training. The need for a recognition and an assessment of prior learning tends to be generally recognized. But in most cases, it has remained at the level of research and experimentation and has not been implemented on a large scale.
The second development, initiated in the United Kingdom, was the adoption of National Vocational Qualifications. It is hardly necessary to recall the objectives (provide incentives for the upgrading of the workforce and the recognition of its skills, meet the need for a better adaptation of training to the requirements of industry and for national standards,involving a clarification of the certification system) and the underlying principles of this undertaking (diversification of assessment procedures, based on the demonstration of the ability to perform tasks, modularity).
This development is particularly important, since the British model has been followed (with some variations) in other English-speaking countries, and has been proposed as a model for the European Union and for Central and Eastern European countries. However, it has raised some controversy. While no one seems to argue about the need for more clearly identified and recognized national qualifications related to the needs of the labour market, several aspects are still under discussion :
This brief review of European trends raises a few general questions for Europe, but may also be related to the recent developments in Australia.
3.1 Issues raised by European trends
a) After reviewing the European trends, it may be worthwhile to look back at the typology suggested at the beginning and at the respective position of various countries with regard to this typology. It appears that as a whole the differences remain, but in some instances they tend to be blurred :
Concerning the other criteria, there is some degree of convergence with regard to the stage of differentiation between general and vocational streams (as a result
of the tendency to stay longer at school) and to the management of the VET systems (as a result of the increased decentralization in several countries).
b) A second set of issues is related to the concept of professionalism. According to some German experts (Burkhardt Lutz, in CEREQ/OECD, 1994) : i) the competitiveness of the European economy depends to a large extent on its industrial workers and on the new range of skills required of them ; ii) the best way to acquire and to maintain these skills is through a major role of enterprises in the definition of training programmes and the delivery of training ; iii) it implies the strengthening of professional labour markets which recognize and value the corresponding qualifications.
These experts are urging for the preservation of this approach and of a strong VET system in German-speaking countries and if possible in other countries, which are themselves often looking at it as a desirable model. But they sometimes tend to under-estimate the role of the overall institutional and social context and the difficulties to transfer the German model in a different context. At the same time, there are signs that even in Germany some of the large enterprises are contemplating alternative approaches of labour management, which would mean recruiting on the external labour market people with a higher level of general education.
The future will depend to a large extent on the policies followed by employers in this respect. Whether the alternative choice in favour of a higher level of general education would fill the need for intermediate qualifications, or would contribute to an increased polarization and jeopardize the foundations of industrialization is an open question.
c) A third set of issues, which is not specific to European countries, concerns the implications of the new emphasis on flexibility, on responsiveness and on decentralization. It raises several questions : to what extent should flexibility and responsiveness be conceived only in relation to the short-term needs of the labour market ? Or should they - and can they - take into account more long-term economic requirements and the needs of the society at large, with a concern for equity between groups of population or between regions ? To what extent is such a concern compatible with decentralization on the one hand and with policies aiming at the satisfaction of a diversity of individual demands on the other ?
In other words, what kind of regulation could counterbalance the new emphasis on flexibility and responsiveness at a time when the traditional concept of central planning is apparently obsolete ? Regulation can be achieved in a variety of ways, which are related to the initial models : emphasis can be put on the negotiation between the actors, particularly the social partners, or on the overall guidance by the State (which should keep this role while leaving the detailed implementation to other authorities when there is a policy of decentralization), or simply on incentives.
In any case, as suggested above, it is important to maintain a systemic approach, in order to ensure that there is enough consistency between policies concerning the VET system, the educational system as a whole and the labour market. In this connection, the question arises of whether a policy of complete de-regulation of the labour market is compatible with the establishment of strict national standards of certification.
d) A final set of issues results from the progressive construction of the European Union. To what extent is it necessary and possible to adopt common policies, instruments or devices in the area of education and training for all Member States, in view of the diversity of national contexts ? Education was not included as such in the agreements which established the European Union, but they stated the principle of the free circulation of workers and were concerned about the efficient operation of the labour markets.
This has led to several agreements on the principle of mutual recognition of educational qualifications at the post-secondary level for regulated occupations and to a common definition of levels of qualifications. But attempts to set up a European system of comparability of qualifications through common definitions of occupations were faced with various problems : the process was cumbersome ; it was difficult to account for the diversity of national systems of work organization, of identification of occupations and of vocational education and training ; and the usefulness of the system was limited since workers' mobility between countries tended to diminish rather than to increase (OECD 1996 a).
Recent trends at the European level are now oriented towards transparency rather than the definition of uniform systems ; towards finding new ways for the recognition of prior learning and for the accounting of work experience (protfolio) and towards the identification of common broad policies for the strengthening of vocational education and training (European Commission, 1996).
3.2. Recent developments in Australia from a European perspective
Recent developments in Australia could be seen against the background of these European trends, it being understood that Europe is not necessarily the main reference to-day for a country which has been looking increasingly to America and now to the Far East. As a result, the Australian VET system now stands in an intermediate position with regard to the "models" outlined at the beginning of this paper.
The recent progress of participation in secondary education seems to have been even more rapid in Australia than in continental Europe, with a major difference due to the non-existence of a distinct vocational stream at the secondary level. Together with the awareness of the need for a more skilled labour force as a major element of economic competitiveness, this situation has induced Government policies aiming at the promotion of vocational education and training : the Training Reform Agenda.
This is obviously not the place to assess these policies, whose implementation has begun only recently, but looking at them in relation to the above outline of the European context may suggest a few questions and remarks.
a) The first set of questions refer to the relationship between developments in vocational education and training and the labour market.
b) Another set of questions concerns the new emphasis on national standards, which may be seen from two points of view : the issue of centralization vs decentralization ; the problems raised by the competency-based approach.
As a recent nation with a deeply-rooted federal tradition, the problem for Australia is not so much the decentralization of management (attempted by many European countries), but rather the need for national standards, which other federal countries are beginning to feel. Considering that workers' mobility between the States is a already a reality and should be facilitated and that there is much more homogeneity between them than between European countries, establishing common standards should much easier. Further comparisons between the Australian experiences and recent attempts in the same direction in the US might be interesting.
Since the competency-based approach of national qualifications is now being promoted or under consideration in a number of countries, comparing the Australian experience with others, especially the UK, might be of particular interest. It is understood however that this experience is new and evolving and that there are significant differences between the approaches followed in the two countries.
In Australia, the trade unions have played a major role in initiating the process and in its implementation. It means that standards have more impact on the labour market and especially on the wages, but also that they are to a larger extent the reflection of the existing work organization. The relationship with wages may also explain the number of levels which is higher than in other countries and may be a source of additional fragmentation of units.
A wider range of actors have been involved in the process, including in the educational sector, which allowed for the translation of units of competency into curricula. It may have contributed to a wider educational approach of competency standards. Finally, their adoption in the school context has been different, since it is essentially the TAFE institutions which have been concerned in Australia.
c) A third set of questions concerns the economic and financial aspects of training. Compared to the continental European countries, Australia seems to put more emphasis on an increased training effort by enterprises. This implies a serious change in their attitudes, considering that the "training culture" was up to now quite limited (possibly in relation to the comparatively small size of most Australian firms). To what extent is it expected that enterprises will find by themselves the value of training as a productive investment, or can they be persuaded to increase their effort, possibly through the proper incentives ?
Reference may be made here to the French experience, especially in view of its similarities with the system of financial obligation which was adopted recently in Australia, but whose implementation has now been suspended. To what extent is it possible to explain the reluctance of Australian firms to accept the obligation (often perceived as an additional tax) by the fact that funds where to be paid to the Treasury and not (as in France) to Mutual Funds managed by social partners which are expected to re-distribute the resources for training purposes?
These comparisons raise more fundamental issues concerning the concept of training culture - and more generally speaking, of national culture. On the one hand, reference has been made earlier to the temptation of transferring pieces of a foreign experience to a different national context. But on the other hand, one should be careful of not interpreting differences as a kind of permanent and fixed feature which would be for ever attached to a people. The issues discussed in this paper should rather be approached in terms of the result of history and of a set of institutional arrangements. Once again, a systemic approach is necessary to assess the policies which may progressively modify the context and facilitate the attainment of specific objectives.
BERTRAND O. Financial and fiscal devices to encourage the development of vocational training: a case study of France. European Institute of Education and Social Policy, Paris, 1996.
CEDEFOP (European Centre for the Development of Vocational Education). Vocational Education in .... (One volume for each Member State). Berlin, 1993, 1994.
CEREQ/OCDE. Apprenticeship : which way forward ? Paris, 1994.
EUROPEAN COMMISSION. White Paper on Education and Training : Teaching and learning : towards a learning society. White book, Brussels, 1996.
EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION. Research, Development and Policies. Volume 28, Number 2, 1993 and Volume 30, Number 3, September 1995.
GORDON J., JALLADE, J.P., PARKES D. Structures of vocational education and training (VET) and the match between education and work : an international comparison. Synthesis report. European Institute of Education and Social Policy, Paris. OSA Publikatie, Den Haag, 1994.
LAUGLO J. Vocational Training : Analysis of Policy and Modes. UNESCO/IIEP, Paris, 1993.
ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT. Vocational Training in Germany : Modernisation and Responsiveness. Paris, 1994 (a).
ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT. Vocational Training in the Netherlands : Reform and Innovation. Paris, 1994 (b).
ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT. Vocational Education and Training for Youth : Towards Coherent Policy and Practice. Paris, 1994(c).
ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT. Assessing and certifying occupational skills and competences in vocational education and training. Paris, 1996 (a).
ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT. Vocational Education and Training for the 21st Century : Opening Pathways and Strenghtening Professionalism. Paris, 1996 (b).
ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT. Changing Pathways in Vocational Education and Training. Paris, 1996 (c).
RAULT Ch. La formation professionnelle initiale : contrastes et similitudes en France et en Europe. La Documentation française, 1994.
SKILBECK M., CONNELL H., LOPE N., TAIT K. The vocational quest. New Directions in Education and Training. Routledge, 1994.
(1) VOTEC refers here to a series of analyses and of discussions undertaken at the initiative of OECD on "The new role of technical education and of vocational training". The results of this activity, which involved more than 20 OECD countries, have been used extensively in this paper (OECD 1996 b).